Indonesia Mencari Wapres PDF Print E-mail
Oleh Eep Saefulloh Fatah

Setiap zaman punya kecemasannya sendiri. Setiap kecemasan punya zamannya sendiri. Begitulah, di masa Orde Baru banyak orang cemas bahwa  Presiden (Wapres) hanya sekadar ban serep. Hari-hari ini, sebagian orang mencemaskan kemungkinkan hadirnya Wapres yang tak sekedar ban serep. Tiba-tiba, Wapres yang berfungsi optimal menjadi sumber kecemasan.

Lalu, seperti apakah sepatutnya Wapres diposisikan dan difungsikan? Apa yang Indonesia cari dan butuhkan: Wapres ban serep atau wapres optimal atau yang berada di antara keduanya?

Duet Dinamis versus Harmonis

Boediono adalah Wapres ke-11 sepanjang sejarah Indonesia merdeka. Jika periode Pemerrintahan Darurat Republik Indonesia (PDRI) ikut ditimbang, dan Wakil Ketua PDRI , Teuku Mohammad Hasan ikut diperhitungkan sebagai wapres, maka Boediono adalah wapres ke-12.

Secara metodologi, sulit membandingkan Wapres lintaszaman. Jika dipaksakan akan senasib dengan   membandingkam buah Apel dengan Kangguru. Maka, lebih baik kita fokus saja ke Wapres era Reformasi.

Selama masa Reformasi, kita mengenal dua jenis Wapres: Yang bertugas penuh dan bertugas tak penuh. Wakil Presiden Megawati Sukarno Putri (1999-2001) dan Hamzah Haz (2001-2004) adalah wapres yang tak sempat bekerja penuh. Muhammad Jusuf Kalla (2004-2009) dan Boediono (2009-2014) termasuk kategori wapres yang bekerja penuh.

Perbandingan yang paling layak dilakukan adalah di antara Wapres yang bertugas penuh. Maka, bersualah kita dengan dua karakter kombinasi kepemimpinan nasional yang berbeda: duet dinamis versus duet harmonis.

Yudhoyono-Kalla adalah duet dinamis. Kalla memainkan peranan besar dengan menjadi sparing partner Yudhoyono dalam merumuskan berbagai kebijakan pokok. Wapres juga ikut aktif mengelola pemerintahan dengan berkoordinasi dengan bahkan mendireksi para menteri untuk mengelola isu-isu strategis tertentu, terutama di bidang ekonomi.

Bukan hanya itu, wapres beberapa kali mengambil inisiatif yang keluar dari pakem konvensional selama ini. Di atas segalanya, aktivitas politik strategis  dijalankan Kalla dengan menjadi semacam general manager koalisi pemerintahan. Banyak pertemuan antarpimpinan partai dan/atau antarpimpinan fraksi DPR dilakukan di rumah dinas wapres, langsung dipimpin Kalla.

Gaya kepemimpinan Kalla pun menjadi daya magnet besar bagi media. Kerapkali hubungan kerja presiden dan wakil presiden menjadi penberitaan luas media massa. Gaya Kalla yang atraktif bahkan sempat menimbulkan kesan bahwa wapres bekerja melampaui yang selayaknya dilakukan orang nomor dua.

Itulah yang ingin saya sebut sebagai "duet dinamis". Selepas Kalla, Boediono menampilkan gaya yang berbeda secara  diametral. Tampil santun, lebih senang  bekerja tekun dalam senyap, tak suka dan tak terbiasa berurusan dengan politisi dan partai politik, Wapres Boediono membangun "duet harmonis" dengan Presiden Yudhoyono.

Gaya kepemimpinan Boediono membuatnya tak menjadi pusat perhatian media massa. Ia seperti terkurung dalam ruang kerjanya, mengelola aspek-aspek teknokratis dari berbagai kebijakan.

Latar belakang wapres Boediono sebagai "orang kampus" dan transformasinya menjadi "birokrat yang lurus" berkombinasi dengan kebersahajaan kepribadian. Hasilnya adalah postur wapres yang tak terlihat menonjol, tak suka beratraksi di atas panggung.

Berbeda dengan Kalla yang pandai bermanuver di sela-sela kepentingan politik yang berseliweran dalam kerja pemerintahan, Boediono canggung mengurusi lalu lintas pertukaran kepentingan politik. Maka sebagai "pertunjukan" duet dinamis Yudhoyono-Kalla tentu saja lebih "mencekam" karena mengandung banyak unsur "drama politik" dibandingkan duet harmonis Yudhoyono-Boediono.

Terlepas dari perbedaan karakter di atas, baik Kalla maupun Boediono, dengan cara mereka masing-masing, membuktikan arti penting "wapres yang bekerja", yang fungsional. Baik dilakukan secara atraktif (gaya Kalla) maupun gaya senyap (Boediono), sang wapres mesti memiliki karakter kepemimpinan yang kuat serta kemampuan manajemen pemerintahan dan kebijakan yang mumpuni. Perkara bahwa dalam kedua termin itu kedua pasang presiden dan wapres melahirkan prestasi pemerintahan dan kebijakan yang berbeda, adalah soal lain yang bisa kita diskusikan di kolom lain.

Maka, belajar dari pengalaman satu dekade terakhir, Indonesia tak membutuhkan wapres simbolik melainkan wapres fungsional. Sebagai demokrasi ketiga terbesar di dunia, Indonesia membutuhkan bukan hanya Presiden yang kuat tapi juga sinergi sang Presiden dengan Wapresnya yang juga kuat. Hanya dengan cara ini kita bisa menyandingkan kerumitan prosedur demokrasi dengan sukses pencapaian kesejahteraan.

Elektoral dan Fungsional

Walhasil, terlepas dari perbedaan di antara dua karakter kombinasi pemimpin di atas, sebuah pelajaran pokok menjadi benang merah yang menyambungkan kedua termin kepresidenan Yudhoyono itu. Benang merah itu adalah bahwa mencari wapres bukan semata-mata persoalan menemukan rumus elektoral yang paling paten tapi juga membangun kerangja kerja fungsional yang paling produktif.

Mancari wapres bukanlah sekadar menemukan pasangan yang berpotensi memenangkan pemilu Presiden. Mencari wapres adalah mencari formula sinergi orang nomor satu dan nomor dua Republik yang berpotensi membuktikan kerja pemerintahan yang efektif, terutama dalam perbaikan kualitas layanan dan kesejahteraan publik.

Maka, ketika Calon Presiden dalam Pemilu 2014 -- baik Joko Widodo, Prabowo Subianto maupun figur lain yang bisa saja muncul belakangan -- mencari pasangan, selayaknya ia menimbang daya tarik elektoral sekaligus potensi sinergi fungsi yang dimiliki sang kabdidat wapres. Sebab, Indonesia tak hanya membutuhkan "pasangan juara" yang mampu mendulang suara terbanyak. Indonesia juga membutuhkan sepasang Presiden dan Wapres yang berkemampuan memenuhi janji-janji kampanye mereka serta mengelola pemerintahan dan kebijakan secara layak.

Walhasil, yang selayaknya dilakukan pun bukan sekadar mengemas "citra" pasangan capres dan cawapres sehingga menarik minat calon pemilih. Yang justru sangat penting adalah membangun, memelihara dan mengelola "identitas" dan "integritas" sepasang kandidat itu sejalan dengan kebutuhan pembentukan pemerintahan yang efektif dan penyehatan demokrasi.

Dalam kerangka itu, sebagai warga negara saya berharap agar para politisi dan pimpinan partai politik tidak hanya sibuk mencukupkan kursi untuk membentuk koalisi pengusung kandidat presiden dan wapres. Saya berharap bahwa mereka juga menimbang dengan seksama kebutuhan mengajukan calon pemimpin yang punya kompetensi sekaligus integritas.

Itu baru separuh harapan. Harapan berikutnya, untuk melengkapi itu, adalah  tumbuhnya kualitas baru di kalangan pemilih. Dalam rumusan sederhana, pemilih selayaknya tidak memandang hari pencoblosan atau pencontrengan sebagai babak akhir penunaian tugas warga negara melainkan sebagai titik awal.

Selepas mencontreng atau mencoblos, para pemilih selayaknya mentransformasikan kualitas mereka menjadi warga negara yang aktif menagih janji. Dalam konteks ini, peringatan Susan Stokes lewat buku klasiknya, Mandate and Democracy (2001), layak ditimbang.

Stokes meriset 44 pemilihan presiden di 15 negara Amerika Latin sepanjang 1982-1995. Salah satu hasilnya: Para presiden yang dalam kampanyenya menjanjikan kebijakan populis atau nasionalistik -- Stokes menyebutnya sebagai security-oriented policies -- lebih banyak yang melanggar janji kampanye mereka ketimbang yang memenuhi dengan teguh.

Ada beberapa sebab yang disebut Stokes dibalik gejala pelanggaran janji itu. Salah satunya adalah tidak adanya para warga negara yang menjadi penagih janji. Tanpa para penagih janji, maka para pemimpin akan dengan sangat mudah melanggar janji.

Sambil menyebut Stokes, saya ingin menutup kolom ini dengan menegaskan bahwa Indonesia saat ini bukan hanya sedang mencari Wapres (bersama Presiden) baru, tetapi juga mencari para penagih janji.

Para penagih janji akan memainkan peranan strategis dalam dua fase politik sekaligus: (1) Mencoblos (atau tidak mencoblos) dengan bertanggung jawab dan (2) memastikan bahwa Presiden dan Wapres yang terpilih bukan hanya juara secara elektoral tapi juga kompeten membuat kebijakan-kebijakan yang menyejahterakan.

EEP SAEFULLOH FATAH adalah Pendiri dan Pemimpin PolMark Indonesia Inc., pusat riset dan konsultasi political marketing.

SUMBER TULISAN: Kolom Pakar, Media Indonesia, Senin 19 Mei 2014.

 

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